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The methods they used and conclusions they drew would find their way into popular literature like Piers Plowman. Interestingly, it was precisely in such popular literature that some of the most positive portrayals of Muslims would appear. Take for example the fifteenth-century fiction of Thomas Malory. As Nina Dulin-Mallory points out, the Saracen Palomides is characterized as a great knight who possessed all the virtues usually ascribed to good Christian knights. Al- though ultimately accepting baptism, Palomides performed valiant and courageous acts as a Saracen.

Dulin-Mallory flushes out the sources of the Palomides legend and shows how the image of this particular Saracen evolved into the complex but virtuous figure evoked in the Morte Darthur. Italian sources from the late Middle Ages and Renaissance also reveal a by-now-familiar ambivalence. As Gloria Allaire and Nancy Bisaha demon- strate, the range of attitudes found in earlier texts resurfaces in Italy in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.

She dis- covers that many of the traditional stereotypes — polytheism, treachery, cru- elty, etc. Similarly, in her discussion of Renaissance humanist texts, Bisaha finds the firstborn sons of modern discourse on Islam in the writings of Petrarch, Leonardo Bruni, and others. A more "modern" perspective took shape that prefigured the attitudes of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century commenta- tors. Notwithstanding these positive appraisals, which were increasingly in evidence, Bisaha concludes that most humanists still cast Turks as new barbarians: The final essay of the volume, by Daniel J.

Vitkus, addresses Western at- titudes toward Islam and the East in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Vitkus discusses the influence of literary traditions on writers such as Sir Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser. Tracing the impact of earlier demo- nizations and the influence of rhetorical models found in classical and reli- gious texts, he makes the important point that for premodern audiences the distinctions between story and history, legend and chronicle were all but nonexistent.

Likewise, he examines the role of sectarian controversies in the creation of an increasingly diverse body. The same ambivalent attitudes and paradoxes seen elsewhere were refashioned during the Reformation as preachers and politicians wrote favorably of the Turks — at least to the extent that they saw them as a scourge for their enemies — positive proof of divine justice. Yet due to the threat of Muslim wealth, military might, and cultural power, the prevailing views were antagonistic.

According to Vitkus, the "Orientalism" described by Edward Said appeared in nascent form well be- fore the nineteenth century. Carl Becker, who worked on that shifty cultural and historical frontier, the eighteenth century, once remarked that each generation "must inevitably play on the dead whatever tricks it finds necessary for its own piece of mind. The aim is to reveal the deepest layers of medieval and early modern culture and to prove the past for clearer understandings of an East- West dynamic that continues to have tremendous force in the late twentieth century.

They go about it by interviewing long-dead witnesses — preachers, princes, knights, clerks, judges, scholars, and poets. They peruse their private records, listen to their songs, attend their theater, drop in at their courts of law, and at- tempt to enter their dreams; their measure of success must be left to the reader to decide. Ironically, by demystifying the magic of memory, these essays simultane- ously open the past to new interpretations.

Thus we end up playing our own tricks on the dead — and for reasons not dissimilar in their psychology to those that motivated the medieval and early modern scholars that we study. In order to ease our anxieties and insecurities, we try to tease out hints of tolerance and mutual respect. In a word, we search for similarities so that we can allay our fears, much in the same way that our predecessors emphasized 8 DAVID R.

But today there is an added dimension. By elucidating the past we seek to exorcise the guilt of our ancestors and to re- dress the wrongs that premodern attitudes have wrought upon the present. Thus we also play our tricks so as to alleviate our culpability, a vague, uneasy feeling born of our more or less willing complicity in the stream of Western history.

The measure of our success must be left to each of us to decide. Notes Cited by John C. Robert Bartlett shows that to a large extent European identity was formed in the Middle Ages through the internal expansion of language and religion in what is now considered central and eastern Europe, see The Making of Eu- rope: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, — Princeton, It should be noted that we have accepted the modern spelling of the Prophet's name throughout this book but have reproduced the various spellings of his name according to the conventions of individual medieval and Renaissance authors when discussing those authors.

Perhaps the most important discussion of this for the modern world, but one that has bearing on the premodern world, is that of Edward Said, Oriental- ism London and New York, See also Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image Edinburgh, , and R. Moore, The For- mation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, — Oxford, , who argues that the creation of stereotypes of the "other" was an essential part of medieval European culture.

See John Rodenbeck, "Cervantes and Islam: Blanks Cairo, , ; and John V. Tolan, "Mirror of Chivalry: Europe and the Muslim World Before , ed. Blanks Cairo, , Giles Con- stable and James Kritzeck Rome, See also Thomas E. Burman, "Tafiir and Translation: A Torgotten Heritage Philadelphia, We use this word guardedly considering its own uncertain history. For a critique of Moore's view, see Beyond the Persecuting Society: Religious Tolera- tion Before the Enlightenment, ed. John Christian Laursen and Cary J.

Ned- erman Philadelphia, Blanks Cognoscitur inattingibilis veritatis unitas in alteritate coniecturali — Nicholas de Cusa 15th century Disraeli was right: The ancient Greeks divided the world into halves, and for the past 25 centuries Western scholars, soldiers, politicians, missionaries, merchants, travelers, and artists have been journeying eastward, constructing their own private Orients, returning home, and making them public.

Their motives were mixed; their prejudices, rarely examined. In the late twentieth century the East has become a career in a new way. Theorists have made their mark by deconstructing the narratives of earlier encounters, pulling apart assumptions and reexamining notions of objectiv- ity and authorial intention that historians and literary critics had long taken for granted. Whatever else one may think of Edward Said and those who have followed his path, it is difficult to disagree with their basic contention that Western discourse has constructed an Orient that is often completely dis- connected from the "real" Orient whatever that is.

So Said takes delight in Disraeli's aphorism. Those who have made the East their career — from Herodotus and Hippocrates to the members of the Middle East Studies Association — have literally "made" their Easts. Yet there is much to ponder. Take for example the comment by Fulcher of Chartres in the early twelfth century: For we who were Occidentals have now become Orientals. We have already forgot- ten the places of our birth. This medieval version of the discourse has the East imposing itself on westerners, but on a deeper level Fulcher's attitude serves to reinforce the differences between Occident and Orient, usually to the detriment of the latter.

Here the discourse creates the discursive object in another reversal as well. Although modern observers have described the "crusades" and their attendant literature — a nexus of knowledge and power — as forms of colonialism and proto-Orientalism, this is not at all what the participants themselves thought they were doing.

They were making pilgrimages to the Holy Land. It is little wonder that we have had such difficulty understanding Western views of Islam, when we have long misunderstood the medieval mind on its own terms quite apart from whatever interactions it might have had with alien cultures. Christians lived in Muslim territories and their experiences varied widely depending upon time, place, and cir- cumstance. My focus here will be upon the heterogeneity of the Western discourse; at the same time, it must be remembered that the greatest divi- sion in Christian attitudes toward Islam was between that of the native Eastern Churches and the Latins.

Chronology is also a problem. We glibly speak of the "modern" and the "postmodern," just as freely of "premodern," but it is a matter of conve- nience and convention.

Gedichte von Ulla Smaïl

Historians agree with literary critics that these peri- ods do not have an external reality outside of the discourses that create them, but there is disagreement as to the implications. Modern theories of socio- logical knowledge and textual criticism render the past irrelevant in the sense that universal forms are thought to transcend specific historical moments, and postmodern theories show that grand historical narratives lack credibil- ity as a result of the language game.

But some see these new theoretical approaches as a positive development. For Lee Patterson, "the recognition that the natural, universal, given, tran- scendent, and timeless is historically constituted — and therefore alterable — is the great, liberating insight of postmodernism.

It seems the fragmentation of their efforts is chiefly a function of academic demographics and reflects, if anything, a shying away from critical theory. Not infrequently studies of colonial and postcolonial attitudes toward Islam assume that the roots of modern stereotypes are imbedded in pre- modern culture. The claim is that one travels to learn but really, one travels to exercise power over land, women, peoples. Norman Daniel concluded his authoritative survey, Islam and the West I , with a chap- ter entitled "The Survival of Medieval Concepts," wherein he argues that Western views of Islam were "canonized" in the Middle Ages.

It is nearly impossible to trace direct lines of transmission, especially outside the realms of intellectual and 14 DAVID R. Attitudes toward Islam were diverse in medieval and Renais- sance Europe. Moreover, although modern stereotypes sometimes resemble those of the past, similar attitudes can arise for very different reasons. From the eleventh through the mid-seventeenth century derisive attacks by West- ern authors were born of a nagging inferiority complex vis-a-vis Arab civi- lization.

In the course of the seventeenth century, however, the Muslim states ceased to be a threat politically, and the West began to develop new secular views that demystified religion and diminished the threat of Islam as a rival ideology. So in the modern period, derisive attitudes arise not from an inferiority complex but from a Eurocentric sense of cultural superiority. The seventeenth century saw the end of the wars of religion, the ultimate recognition of Protestantism by the Catholic Church, the decline of the Ot- toman Empire, the emergence of the European state system, the gradual sec- ularization of governments, important technological developments in shipping and weaponry, the early colonization of the New World, the estab- lishment of capitalism, the triumph of the heliocentric system, and a new spirit of individualism and rationality.

Thus for the purposes of this essay, the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries will serve as the period of transition from the "premodern" to the "modern. Thus the me- dieval world becomes an exotic and fixed Other constructed by an ongoing presentist discourse. The seventeenth century was also a linguistic turning point: The use of the proper Arabic term denotes a new consciousness on the part of Europeans, although the older, inaccurate, and disrespectful designation "Mohammedanism" was replaced only very slowly.

The Oxford English Dictionary still defines "Allah" as the name of the Deity among "Mo- hammedans," an error that may well be the most politically incorrect in the history of modern lexicography. Today in the Gen- eral Current Catalogue of Printed Books at the British Library post- , there are 6, works with the word "Islam" in the title.

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Maxime Rodinson was also right: Spanish, French, and Italian scholars were the first to show an interest, especially in the realm of literary studies. As early as the s, medieval poetry was analyzed for what it had to say about Islam and the life of the Prophet, and by the time Alessandro d'An- conna published his still useful "La leggenda di Maometto in Occidente" in , the tradition had been well established.

Although some of these early studies were — to put it charitably culturally insensitive — it is notewor- thy that there were genuine albeit modest efforts to explain the common misconceptions that arose in medieval literature. One of the most success- ful of these projects was Gaston Paris's investigation of the legend of Salah al-Din, which he issued in fits and starts in It is worth noting that part of Paris's work on Salah al-Din was published in the first edition of a new journal, the Revue de I'Orient latin; which suggests a growing concern with Christian-Muslim relations.

By placing side by side passages from the Divine Comedy and various Arabic texts, Asfn y Palacios tried to demonstrate that Dante's descriptions of hell, paradise, and the Beatific Vision were taken directly from, among others, the great Sufi mystic Ibn Arabi 1 — Virgil's Aeneid, the apocryphal accounts of St. Paul's supernatural journeys, the voy- ages of St. Yet it is interesting from an historiographical per- spective that much of the debate has been divided along nationalist lines, Italian scholars being particularly reticent to give up the traditional view that Dante's work is completely original.

Here too new journals were established that reflected a growing if at times prurient in- terest in the topic. The most solid of these was the Revue d'Histoire des Reli- gions, first issued in the mid-nineteenth century. Articles were published on such items as the formulas of abjuration required by the Byzantines of Mus- lims wishing to convert to Christianity. Zwemer was a missionary with a good command of Arabic and a decent knowledge of the Qur'an who worked at the Arabian Mission of the Reformed Church throughout Turkey and the Gulf.

He was also a journalist and historian who was taken seriously, as attested by the series of lectures he gave at the Prince- ton Theological Seminary in called "The Disintegration of Islam," and another at the Columbia Theological Seminary in called "The Origin of Religion. Zwemer also published his own ostensibly scholarly works. As the title ex- plains, Zwemer sees Lull as the archetypal missionary whose sole imperfec- tion was his Catholicism. Exhibiting a fanatical Protestant hatred of the Middle Ages, Zwemer describes his medieval world in phrases identical to those employed by westerners both past and present in their constructions of the Orient: Over and against each other, and not only in the same land, but often in the same individual, we witness sublime faith and degrading superstition, an- gelic purity and signs of gross sensuality.

An account of the rapid spread of Islam in all parts of the globe, the methods em- ployed to obtain proselytes, its immense press, its strongholds, and suggested means to be adopted to counteract the evil London, Although on the whole, as I indicated in my introduction, my sense is that connections between premodern and modern prejudices are tenuous, here is a clear example of the sort of direct line of thinking that would ap- peal to Edward Said, Norman Daniel, and Hichem Djait. One can in fact draw a nice genealogy: This is not hyperbole.

The idea was put forth in in the pages of the journal that Zwemer edited: In vain do we search for a somewhat objective account of the religion of the false Prophet in the Middle Ages. There is much abuse and vituperation; but only a few, such as Raymund Lull or the noble Peter Venerabilis, try to arouse Christianity for missionary work among the Moslems.

Just the reverse fault is made in modern times; the age of Rationalism regards Islam as the type of en- lightened, free-thinking religiousness. Between these extremes stands Dr. Martin Luther, who penetrates with remarkable sagacity into the religion of "the Turks," as far as the means at his disposal allow him, and endeavors to gain a just judgment without denying his Christian standpoint. Akehurst and life of Muhammad by Samuel Bush, wherein the author confidently predicts the end of both Islam and the papacy in the year There was an overlap in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries between historical and literary analyses of the Middle Ages that, with all their faults, were still more or less intellectually honest attempts to recoup the past, and naked polemics, which still seem very, well, "medieval.

The mid-nineteenth century is still too early to look for commentary ex- pressly focused upon Western views of Islam, but some of the great historical narratives, the grands recits, reveal an awareness of the importance of the sub- ject. The French scholar Ernest Renan, who is one of Edward Said's betes noires, was nonetheless one of the first to concern himself with the impact on the West of Arab thought and philosophy with his Averroes et lAverro'isme Although Said is an unforgiving critic, displaying little of the empathy that he demands of those he attacks, it is altogether true that Renan was less than charitable towards Semitic peoples and that he is deserving of the atten- tion Said devotes to him as one of the founding fathers of modern Oriental- ism.

As a historian, he was bold and innovative. Averroes et FAverroisme is a monumental piece of scholar- ship, all the more so because it was ahead of its time in the sense that histori- ans failed to follow his lead until the years between the two World Wars. BLANKS Other nineteenth-century Orientalists exhibited a similar mix of ques- tionable biases, good research habits, and occasionally prescient insights. In his great narrative, Histoire des Mussulmans dEspagne , Reinhart Dozy was at times remarkably sensitive to the contours of the Christian communi- ties living in early medieval Spain.

In the spring of , a monk named Isaac came down from the hills around Cordoba, walked into town, approached a Muslim qadi judge , publicly denounced Muhammad, proclaimed the di- vinity of Christ, and was shortly thereafter beheaded for blasphemy. Known to us through the ac- count written by Eulogius, the bishop of Toledo, who himself died a martyr in , and through Eulogius's biography, written by Paul Alvarus, the his- tory of the martyrs of Cordoba can serve as an interesting litmus test for gaug- ing the approaches of scholars toward the medieval world.

Among other things, for in- stance, Dozy condemns Eulogius for his fanaticism and for reporting scurrilous stories about the Prophet when he had a fine command of Arabic and the proper sources at his disposal. At the same time Dozy was preparing his narrative of the Muslims in Spain, M. Amari was writing his Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 3 vols. In Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzuges Berlin, , H. Prutz saw the crusades as the catalyst for a great deal of salubrious cultural diffusion, bringing to the West the best of Eastern riches and ideas.

This is exactly the type of argument made by politically correct intellectuals today. And although some important American contributions began to appear for the first time, 37 as in so many things, it was not until after the war that the French, British, and Italian scholars, who continued to dominate the field, took any notice of the work being done across the Atlantic. In the s and s, graduate programs in medieval studies contin- ued to expand, and new journals were established such as Studia Islamica, Al- Andalus, and Revue des Etudes Islamiques.

A new seriousness of purpose emerged, and most significant of all, so did a new measure of tolerance and a desire for mutual understanding. Both studies were in English. Both considered Western attitudes toward the Turks. Chew attempted for the first time a compre- hensive survey of British views as revealed in literature, drama, travelers' re- ports, and the lives of adventurers such as Sir Anthony Shelley — a courtier, soldier, and con man whose escapades took him from the Americas to Per- sia. Chew por- trays Renaissance Englishmen as enormously inquisitive, and he sees a grad- ual shift from religious to secular concerns, which leads to a less hysterical appraisal of the East.

True, he lets slip the occasional stereotype. When com- menting on the predicament of a seventeenth-century traveler who, when visiting Cairo, found it necessary to anchor his boat in the middle of the Nile so as not to be robbed, Chew opines that little has changed.

On the whole, however, his approach is reasonably balanced. He shows sympathy and criticism toward Christians and Muslims alike; he displays a healthy empathy toward the limitations of the Renaissance mind; and he is one of the first to notice the varied nature of past attitudes — an admission absent from other important studies such as those by Southern himself and Norman Daniel, who try to account for everything by forcing viewpoints into preestablished categories.

Chew's analysis was a departure in another way as well. Because he was in- terested in literature, theater, and travel — as opposed to anti-Muslim polemics — he was able to distinguish between elite and popular attitudes, which he does by looking at things like festivals alia Turchesa and the por- trayal of Muslims on the London stage. Thus in his use of a variety of sources and his focus on the attitudes of different people from different classes, his study is an important advance that echoes contemporary histori- ographical developments among the Marxists and Annalists on the continent.

Like Chew, Rouillard is interested in the points of contact between the French and the Turks and the ways in which these interactions were represented in French literature, especially travel literature. BLANKS most interesting aspects of this work is the author's express desire for greater mutual understanding between Christians and Muslims. Taking care to high- light historical instances of tolerance, he tries to apologize for French racism by providing counterexamples and putting a positive spin on the past: Be that as it may, Rouillard's somewhat forced optimism signals what will eventually become a major motif.

The expression of such hope rises dra- matically after World War II, reaches its peak during the Cold War, and con- tinues to be the dominant attitude among those writing about Western views of Islam. Thus serious efforts were being made to understand Islamic culture, and there is certainly value in listing the positive attributes that westerners saw in the Turks, who at various times were praised for their intelligence, edu- cation, manners, cleanliness, physical strength, honesty, honor, humanity, and tolerance, and whose cities were deemed marvels because of their civil and military order, administration of justice, sanitation, and arts.

Schol- arly works, however, are not the place to remark that all religions are basi- cally the same, and Rouillard's insistence on the above points makes one suspicious when he asserts that French attitudes were ever improving. Even- tually, of course, he goes too far, crowning Voltaire, the author of that scur- rilous play Mahomet, as the "champion of tolerance.

Still, a writer must be cautious not to refashion the past in his ar- dent desire to shape the future. Elsewhere in Europe, other attempts were made at comprehensive sur- veys. Richard Southern pointed to G. The important volume by J. Fuck should also be mentioned, Die Arabischen Studien in Europe vom 12, bis in dem An- fang des 19 Jahrhunderts Leipzig, , which follows up on the work of Prutz by tracing the cultural impact of East on West. Although this type of history has been less evident in Germany than elsewhere, it is perhaps fit- ting that a country noted for the high quality of its Arabists should likewise produce the first study of Arab attitudes toward the West: Still now at the end of the twentieth century, quality research concerning East- ern views of Europe is desperately needed.

The groundbreaking research of Marie-Therese d'Alverny was arguably the most influential of this entire period. This short book, which includes an excellent bibliography of French, German, English, and Italian works, begins with the author's at- tempt to understand the various social and religious forces that produced such a man as Ricoldo da Monte Croce, who wrote a book on Islam at the beginning of the fourteenth century after having spent many years in Bagh- dad.

On the whole, more than anything else, Monneret de Villard was in- terested in the progress of ideas.

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He begins with Peter the Venerable, whose self-justification he takes at face value, describing Peter as engaged in a cru- sade of the mind, attacking Islam in theory. This, he notes, is a step in the right direction compared to the attitudes of men like Guibert of Nogent and Hildebertus de Lavardin ? Ultimately he concludes, somewhat hopefully, that a backlash against the crusades had set in by the thirteenth century and that European intellectuals had come a long way in the direction of understanding Islam as a religion and not just "a mere insolence.

In I'Islamismo e la Cultura Europea Florence, , a prosaic survey of attitudes toward Islam from the seventh to sev- enteenth century, Aldobrandino Malvezzi analyzed the causes of misunder- standing, arguing that errors about Islam have grave consequences not only because they retard the general progress of Italian culture, but also because the methods used so far to counter Islam seem to have had the opposite ef- fect.

He comments, for example, that Europeans have always exhibited the tendency to judge Islam by Catholic criteria.

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BLANKS plaining that Islam is not materialistic; instead, it is trying to solve the same problems as Christianity and we ought not to criticize its methods just be- cause they are different. Like many scholars in the following years, Malvezzi openly worries that lack of empathy has been a major obstacle in the spiri- tual, intellectual, and political rapport between Europe and the Muslim world.

He calls for future generations to repair these misunderstandings in the spirit of peace, tolerance, and comprehension, a pragmatic approach that fully anticipates Vatican II. Like Mon- neret de Villard, he takes Peter the Venerable at his word, adding that Peter was in large part responsible for propagating the false beliefs about Islam that were held to so tenaciously in the following centuries.

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And like Richard Southern, for whom this piece is a clear antecedent, Munro sees a pattern of changing attitudes in the High Middle Ages from ignorance to hatred to a "decline in hatred. Deliberate misrepresentation on the part of medieval writers who had ac- cess to accurate information has been an enduring issue in the historiogra- phy of premodern encounters between Europe and Islam.

Not surprisingly, more than a little anti-Catholic venom bleeds through some of the analyses. At the turn of the century, for example, S. Scott was scornful in his de- scription of the medieval Spanish clergy: The sage conclusion that they arrived at from these re- searches was that the doctrines of the most uncompromising of monotheists and image-breakers were pagan idolatries. At one point in his narrative he recalls the work of Arnold of Liibeck, who knowingly falsified an account by Burchard of Strasbourg, an envoy sent by Frederick Barbarossa to the court of Salah al-Din.

Upon his return, Burchard provided a remarkably accurate picture of Islam noting, among other things, Muslim attitudes toward Christ and the Virgin Mary, and explaining the Muslim belief that God was the Creator of all things and Muhammad was his most Holy Prophet. Yet in spite of quoting Burchard's account in detail, Arnold has Salah al-Din swear "by virtue of my god, Mo- hammed.

But shortly thereafter, Speculum did in fact publish an otherwise solid ar- ticle that was nearly as vehement as Scott's book.

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Meredith Jones, concluded that there was no better explanation for these misrepresentations than flagrant fanaticism. Comparing the chansons de geste with chronicles and various reli- gious tracts, he is perhaps the first to suggest that "a traditional type of 'Saracen' was invented and reproduced endlessly," that Western attitudes flowed more from literary sources than from actual contact with Muslims, and that stories about Muhammad were fabulous because "scholars sought their sources of information in popular opinions.

For that matter, he displays contempt for medieval Christians in a fashion that can only be called Gibbonesque: The invention of such hate-inspired episodes is one more reflection of the in- abilities of the poets to devise anything really new. The medieval Christian is constantly offering bribes to his God. In song and in history he is always threatening him with the consequences of failure to grant prayers; he ravages his churches in order to vent his anger, even occasionally abuses God, and de- liberately takes revenge on him. Citing Stanley Lane- Poole, Jones argues that in reality the Saracens were more pious and trustworthy than their western counterparts, of whom he writes: Jones's approach is symptomatic of a number of predominantly Protes- tant writers who tend to associate Catholicism with a "medieval" world view.

Beyond this, however, Jones exhibits a lack of empathy for medieval people that likewise characterizes a giant in this field: And finally, it is not too much of a stretch to interpret Jones's analysis as crit- icism of European and American policy toward communism. The author ac- cepts the truth of the Christian read liberal democratic position, but rejects the use of force in favor of reasoned dialogue that will surely come out to the advantage of the West.

This too foreshadows Daniel and Southern. As the demand for oil increased in the fifties and sixties so too did inter- est in the Muslim world. Missionaries and academics alike encountered Islam with increasing frequency as the superpowers played out their agendas in the postcolonial world. Norman Daniel's Islam and the West: Norman Daniel was nothing if not thorough. Today those approaching the topic for the first time must begin with Islam and the West and special- ists must still take it into account. Daniel's books are mines of detail about the medieval sources and his bibliographies are indispensable.

What higher praise could one hope for than Southern's acknowledgment that without Daniel to guide him he would not have attempted to explore the daunting subject in the first place? And Edward Said would have been hard put to introduce Orientalism without the assistance of someone whose opinion of European arrogance so neatly matches his own. If one disregards Said's more sophisticated theoretical framework, then it's not difficult to imagine Islam and the West and Orientalism as the first and third in a series eagerly await- ing the publication of a second volume, devoted to a thorough flogging of European intellectuals from the Renaissance to the French Revolution.

Like Edward Said, Norman Daniel sees the Western canon of attitudes toward Islam as having been formed in the Middle Ages and transmitted un- changed into the modern world. The irony is that Daniel himself is some- thing of a modern-day Ricoldo da Monte Croce, who compares the comportment of his countrymen unfavorably to the manners and customs of the Muslims he knew so well during his years in Cairo. Ricoldo's experi- ences had been in Baghdad. And like Ricoldo, Daniel was a committed Catholic whose desire to improve Western understanding was not wholly disconnected from his wish to better inform Muslims about their misun- derstanding of the Trinity and the nature of Christ.

Also on the panel was R. Together they addressed the relations between Islam and Christianity past and pre- sent, in an effort to show that if Christians better understood the real earnestness and spirituality of Islam, then they could better explain to Mus- lims the earnestness, spirituality, and truth of Christianity.

There was noth- ing subtle about it. In his con- clusion, Zaehner commented that "even if Islam is a false religion, there is enough of Christian truth in the Koran for us to be sure that God's providence in permitting the rise of Islam against Christianity is, even to our finite understanding, not wholly incomprehensible. Daniel was a devout Catholic with long experience in the Muslim world.

He was fasci- nated by Islam and determined to work out for himself an intellectual framework in which he could comfortably interact with his Muslim neigh- bors and colleagues, while at the same time protecting his own faith and maintaining his intellectual standing amongst the Dominicans with whom he worked. He despised those expatriates who closed themselves off from the Islamic culture that surrounded them even more than he loathed those back home who failed to engage themselves with Islam in any way; and he de- voted his scholarship to understanding the medieval Christian encounter with Islam in order to trace the development of modern attitudes, under- stand the mechanism by which prejudices were formed, castigate the Catholic Church and European society for its shortsightedness and narrow- mindedness, and chart a new path for coping with the existence of a com- peting monotheism.

Daniel's paper to the Newman Association was far more tolerant than Za- ehner's, and in terms of his appraisal of the medieval mind, it was more tol- erant than the books he wrote later. His description of Islam is fair, and must have been enlightening if not a little unnerving to those assembled for the lecture. He praises the work of Montgomery Watt for its balanced approach, defends the Prophet against morals charges and allegations of hypocrisy, ex- plains the tenets of Islam, then declares his belief in the Trinity and argues a la Zaehner that Muslims have misunderstood Jesus because they deny his di- vinity.

Daniel's feelings toward his fellow Europeans are unambiguous. In Eu- rope, "where Muslims do not penetrate," people may shut their minds to Islam, "but for Catholics whose lives take them among or into touch with Islamic peoples such an attitude. The first alternative is one adopted by many Occidentals: This is parochial, unrealistic, uncharitable, a childish hiding away from the world.

The next alternative is to have friendly worldly relations, but to ex- clude serious matters; that is what most people do, but it does not solve any important problem. Finally, it is possible to begin a process of mutual infor- mation between Christians and Muslims, which above all things is what is needed. It is essential to find some means of genuine communication. From a religious point of view, we cannot withhold Christ; it will be a terrible re- sponsibility to answer for, if we so maintain our own faith as to exclude oth- ers from it; insist on giving it a colour gratifying to ourselves, and so present it as to blind others to the truth.

Cragg, then editor of The Moslem World, and he leaves no doubt as to the true value of gaining a better understanding of Islam: We must learn about Islam from Muslims, and learn dispassionately. Christians may expect in return the opportunity to teach. If we are to learn what Mus- lims have to say about themselves, we may impart what we have to say about ourselves. It is accepted that the truth held by non-Catholics, which we all call Catholic truths, since all truth is Catholic, are sometimes held more firmly than we hold them ourselves.

J erally submit with reverence to Providence better than we do, and are more aware of God's government in everyday things. We must not take such dis- coveries as this with patronizing approval, but with humility. We have to ask why, with the benefits of the whole truth and sacraments of grace, we are still inferior in observance. Those who are truly confident that they have the truth need not fear the ultimate result of imparting it.

Conversion may not follow, but it cannot possibly precede, the day when prejudice and hatred on both sides have been dispelled. The author's words, which he makes no attempt to disavow in later books, speak for themselves and require no further explication on my part. I would like to add, however, that it is precisely Daniel's religious enthusi- asm that is the source of his deep respect for Islam.

The comment that Said made about Massignon is entirely apropos: This intervention — for it was that — into the Orient as animator and champion symbolized his own acceptance of the Orient's difference, as well as his efforts to change it into what he wanted. His thorough familiarity with the sources is a monument to scholarship — something that also speaks for itself. But the context is not there.

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He variously describes the people he calls "me- dievals" as brutal, violent, aggressive, vulgar, intolerant, xenophobic, igno- rant, narrow-minded, and culturally arrogant. Of course Daniel's assessment is not altogether untrue, but at times he expects of his "medievals" enlightened attitudes that one would be hard-pressed to find exhibited in any overwhelming fashion amongst many Christians today.

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