Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. In Search of the Black Panther Party: Controversy swirled around the Black Panthers from the moment the revolutionary black nationalist Party was founded in Oakland, California, in Since that time, the group that J. Rarely, though, has it received the sort of nuance. Rarely, though, has it received the sort of nuanced analysis offered in this rich interdisciplinary collection. Historians, along with scholars in the fields of political science, English, sociology, and criminal justice, examine the Panthers and their present-day legacy with regard to revolutionary violence, radical ideology, urban politics, popular culture, and the media.
The essays consider the Panthers as distinctly American revolutionaries, as the products of specific local conditions, and as parts of other movements of the late s and early s. Paperback , pages. New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Oct 19, Robert rated it it was amazing.
This book is an outstanding critique of the Black Panther Party and the effects of their movement on the American landscape during the 60s and 70s. While most assesments of the Panthers dismissed them as ineffecutal Marxist idealist or thuggish revolutionary wannabes, they had an undeniable impact on the New Right and the intellectual elite of the time. This book gives a clear and solid analysis of the Black Panther Party and a balanced historical perspective of the birth, rise and demise of th This book is an outstanding critique of the Black Panther Party and the effects of their movement on the American landscape during the 60s and 70s.
This book gives a clear and solid analysis of the Black Panther Party and a balanced historical perspective of the birth, rise and demise of this iconic political movement. This is an important piece of academic scholarship on the history of one of the most significant Marxist movements created in the United States. Whether you are a detractor or an admirer of the Black Panthers, this book will have something to offer.
Sue Harmon rated it really liked it Jul 07, Leigh rated it really liked it Aug 06, Craig Cunningham rated it it was amazing Jul 16, Suzanne rated it liked it Jan 02, Ryan State of Immunity: Like many other topics in the history of health and illness, vaccination is both extraordinarily important and surprisingly absent from the typical textbook.
In smallpox vaccination campaigns early in the century, for example, public health officials sought to apply a distinctively Progressive mixture of technical expertise and enlightened compulsion e. By midcentury, crusaders against diphtheria and polio had dropped compulsion in favor of marketing campaigns mimicking the growing consumer culture. They wielded a combination of federal funding and new compulsion e. In this very well-researched book, Colgrove draws on published medical lit- erature as well as a range of archival records from national and state public health agencies, especially New York, where much of the action takes place.
Parents hoping for authoritative answers about vaccine safety, for example, will have to read carefully to discern his sympathetic skepticism of late-century vaccine skeptics. But his willingness to present different interpretations fairly is also a strength that will make State of Immunity a standard reference on this topic. Edited by Daniel R.
Coquillette and Neil Longly York. University of Virginia Press, Students of the Revolutionary era are fortunate to have a wealth of printed material from the upper tier of the founders; historians know less about how local leaders arrived at revolution. The editors of this collection begin to fill this gap with Portrait of a Patriot: Coquillette and Neil Longly York cannot elevate Quincy to the top rank of Revolutionary statesman, they do provide an important key to the diffusion of Revolutionary ideas.
The book contains two documents: In an introductory essay, York argues, contrary to Bernard Bailyn, that ancient authors and eighteenth-century historians of the ancient world were the dominant sources for political thought. Although York shies away from labels, the commonplace book reveals a mind well versed in the maxims of eighteenth-century Whig thought. In the familiar Whig formulation, freedom was always threatened by power. The great bugbear of Whig thought was a standing army. Thomas Hutchinson is the great unseen figure; everyone Quincy met intimated that Hutchinson was hard at work against him.
A meeting with Lord North revealed that Great Britain would crush resistance. Quincy died before returning home. The editors rightly assume he would have been a prominent revolutionary. In this volume, Coquillette and York have provided valuable insight into the patriot mind on the eve of Revolution. Bridgewater State College Robert W. Smith American Taxation, American Slavery. University of Chicago Press, The reviewer will not pretend that this book is an easy read. Einhorn has mastered the technicalities of American taxation law and practice prior to, during, and after the American Revolution, at a level that could work in an IRS manual.
But, although her book can be tough going, she punctuates it with passages in which her prose soars. Einhorn uses her exceedingly tight analysis of taxation to address a very large problem: She has two central propo- sitions. The first of these is that taxation is not robbery, but rather the pooling of resources.
The central problems with taxation do not stem from burdens. They emerge from allocating those burdens and from the purposes that the manner of allocation serves. The second proposition is that the history of American taxation demonstrates the malignant effects of slavery. With strong empirical evidence and with passion, Einhorn includes taxation on that list. The Ordeal of Colonial Vir- ginia  suggests. When they took control of the Republic, they bent its policies in ways that seemed to promise freedom but that actually served their private agenda of protecting and even fostering slavery.
To accept public policies that benefited slavery in the name of liberty was and is to be hoodwinked. To fail now to see that such sleight of hand took place is to continue in self-deception. But that does not render her argument merely present minded, let alone invalid. The test of any intellectual breakthrough is not its origin but rather the extent to which it converts mere information, which has been dismissed, into evidence supporting a proposition. One suspects that somebody as undaunted by figures as Einhorn herself is working on that problem right now. Scholars in the republicanism paradigm may well disparage her argument, which requires abandoning the rhetoric that they have probed and probed again.
Whatever the outcome, it is quite possible that Robin Einhorn has launched a major debate. Fulbright, Stennis, and Their Senate Hearings. A narrowly focused study can yield rich interpretive dividends. In developing these two episodes, Joseph A. Fry has exploited the Fulbright and Stennis papers, along with other manuscript collec- tions, the record of the hearings, and the broader Vietnam literature. The two case studies set against the backdrop of deepening domestic doubts about the Vietnam War generally confirm but also, at points, deepen our under- standing of the complex currents shaping those doubts.
The Fulbright hearings gave legitimacy to public dissent while revealing to a nationwide audience, thanks to live television coverage, serious divisions within the foreign policy establish- ment. The effect was to accentuate the long downward slide in support for the war already underway by late The less famous Stennis hearings convened just as the public was coming to split evenly on whether the war was a mistake with most of the disaffected favoring intensified military action, not a negotiated settlement.
The Stennis hearings proved the last hurrah for the hawks; by early the next year support for escalation began a steady downward trend. Throughout the crisp, engaging treatment, Fry points his readers to broader implications. He reminds his readers that the arguments rehearsed for and against the war at the time echo eerily in postwar histories and polemics, and he offers his own careful and usually convincing appraisal of those arguments.
He highlights the tangle that civil—military relations had become. He carries forward a renewed interest among historians in the role of Congress and congressional dissenters arrayed against an imperial presidency. And he suggests with the lightest of hands how his subject remains pertinent today as Congress struggles to make itself relevant in the face of another major military intervention gone wrong.
This account makes it easier to understand why, once more, legislators find it hard privately to confront a mistake, even harder to articulate their doubts to the electorate, and harder still to devise some responsible and effective remedial action. The Underside of Innocence. In this provocative book, the author turns the sentimental, nostalgic Norman Rockwell into a knowing Freudian analyst uncovering our sexual desires and fears in every seemingly innocent ruse. Through close analysis of the most popular Rockwell paintings, Richard Halpern exposes more undercurrent and complexity than the paintings typically inspire.
His argument hinges on the concept of disavowal, which requires an acknowledged splitting of meaning and a turning away from the disturbing and often more sexualized implications for an embrace of the more comfortable. A phallus operates as a myth of invulnerability, not a penis always subject to emasculation Although the insights are often unexpected and persuasive, disavowal becomes a paradigm too ubiquitous and broad to hold much meaning.
In fact, Halpern states that the book is an act of interpretation rather than scholarship, thus setting up a questionable opposi- tion between these two activities, but one that explains much of the book xii. Halpern suggests that the popularity of images alone implies deeper and more complex meanings; in his view, popularity cannot rest only on nostalgia and sentimentality.
But to provide interpretations beyond these characteristics is not to prove their broad acceptance. Halpern aims beyond an academic audience in the hope of convincing Rock- well devotees and renunciators alike of what might be below the surface of his well-known, beloved paintings. The author discusses how Rockwell carved out a middlebrow position, utilizing sophisticated technique, yet employing narrative as well as representational figures, and distributing these artworks through commercial means.
In this, Rockwell and his images remain central to twentieth-century U. The New School Julia L. Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia Gentry. University Press of Florida, The work is a study in intellectual history. In Virginia, Jefferson tried to create a new constitution and institute religious, educational, and legal reforms during the Revolution, only to back down in the face of opposition. Jefferson poured out his frustration with his peers in writing his only book, Notes on the State of Virginia, which Hatzenbuehler holds was in part an attempt to mold younger Virginians, a task he continued late in his life when he championed the creation of the University of Virginia.
Perhaps because much of his work comes from previously published materials, at times the author is frustrating in his lack of detail. In drawing attention back to Jefferson as a Virginian, Hatzenbuehler helps to explain the thinking and actions of this brilliant and complex American icon. The University of Tennessee Press, In Notes on the State of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson wrote that Virginia had no towns and that government was powerless to overcome this situation: Even individual initiative, which the author highlights as integral to the success of Winchester and other towns in the backcountry after , could not overcome such inhibitors to urban growth as geographical location e.
Finally, Hendricks calculates that less than 5 percent of Virginians lived in towns at the end of the colonial era, but cautions that this small percentage does not mean that towns were not important. Idaho State University Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler The Pentagon and the Presidency: This impressive study explodes the simplistic assumption that civil—military rela- tions have generally run smoothly in the United States.
Bush, political scientist Dale R. Herspring details the often stormy relationships among chief executives, their civilian advisers, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff since the start of World War II. He looks at four basic areas: His prescription for minimizing conflict places principal responsibility on the White House: Not surprisingly, Herspring argues that the most intense conflicts took place in the Johnson, Nixon, and Clinton administrations. Bush encountered only minimal conflict. Indeed, the book is replete with pungent quotations from aggrieved military leaders.
Stay tuned for more civil—military tension as the United States grapples with the Iraq Syndrome. University of Connecticut J. Johnson carefully traces the political, economic, religious, and cultural ramifications of abolition on former Bahamian slaves and slaveholders alike. Using the Colonial Office Papers, series twenty-three, in manu- script form at the Public Record Office in Kew, England and on convenient microfilm at the Department Archives in Nassau , he finds that outnumbered whites on the islands maintained political and economic supremacy during the middle decades of the nineteenth century in part by allowing their nonwhite counterparts to realize at least some degree of citizenship, however second-class.
This limited participation gave freedmen and women at least the semblance of a color-blind society that seemed to be structured by station rather than by skin color. The lack of a codified Jim Crow society and a relatively inclusive franchise obviated any attempts at collective diasporan unity among nonwhites and even allowed a handful of ex-slaves, such as Joseph Rumer, to become prominent local officials. Labor shortages in key industries, such as salt ponding and pineapple cultivation, forced employers to be more considerate of their employees; in the Bahamas and unlike in the American South, sharecroppers were not evicted without some notice, and only after they had time to harvest their fields.
In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement
Most striking, people of African descent headed up the police, staffed the militia, and served on grand juries. Such real concessions to equality allowed Bahamians to forget collectively about slavery and to overlook its continuing and pernicious legacies of inequality and racism, which were seen as not Bahamian. Yet racism did persist on the islands, and, as Johnson shows, it had its greatest impact in terms of limiting the influence of the Anglican Church, whose hierarchy failed to reach out to nonwhites on the Out Islands after emancipation.
The most prejudiced whites, according to contemporaries, as well as Johnson, lived on Abaco Island, but even there the Methodist Church insisted on integrated pews, to the chagrin of many white congregants who promptly left for Key West, Florida. This insistence on integrated churches and schools was undercut, however, by a lack of elite commitment to underwrite or staff those churches and schools adequately; Johnson correctly sees that lack of elite commitment as extending the legacy of slavery well into the twentieth century.
These kinds of insights and details make this monograph well worth reading for an educated audience, even if its prose resembles that of a dry dissertation and even if its thesis is less than surprising. Norfolk State University Charles H. Ford The Songs that Fought the War: Popular Music and the Home Front, — By John Bush Jones.
Brandeis University Press, In this volume, the author has written an exhaustive catalog of popular songs that in one way or another were shaped by American experiences during the Second World War. He places these songs into a variety of categories, addressing their relationship to such broad themes as patriotism, the draft and enlistment, Axis- bashing, the home front, wartime romance, and several others.
He also provides some commentary on the songwriters themselves, placing their wartime work into the context of broader careers; or in the case of amateur tunesmiths, reflecting on how their work represented attitudes shared by the general public. John Bush Jones was apparently motivated to write this book in response to what he perceived as an emerging consensus on the popular music of World War II, namely that it somehow fell short in meeting the need to provide great war songs to inspire the troops and maintain home-front morale.
He makes several dismissive references to Kathleen E. But in a backhanded way, Jones reinforces that interpretation by admitting that the vast majority of songs he lists failed to click with a wide audience as a result of limited exposure, bad timing, or most commonly, their own mediocrity. For example, one is struck by the sheer number of songs being pumped out by professional songwriters and the wide variety of venues through which songs were introduced via sheet music, records, radio, film, and stage performances. The impression of mass-produced art is inescapable and explains why the OWI and MWC believed they could manipulate the system in the service of their specific goals.
Jones also provides a nice analysis of amateur songwriting during that period, creating a somewhat touching view of how many avid consumers of popular culture sought entry into its professional ranks. The book is well written and generally strikes a fair balance between nostalgia and objective analysis. The reader may feel overwhelmed at times by the repeti- tious listing of titles, or frustrated at the too-brief snippets of lyrics.
But overall this is a useful addition to the historiography of World War II-era popular music, if not entirely on the terms set by its author. University of Montana-Western John C. Hundreds of books have been written about the War of Many have been informative but not entertaining despite numerous events that have captured the public imagination: Also interesting are the events surrounding the burning of Washington, and the defense of Baltimore that gave us our national anthem.
The author, a professor emeritus of journalism who has written books about the American Revolution and Vietnam, now has undertaken the laudable goal of a popular history of the War of Fifteen of the twenty-four chapters focus on individuals. At the same time, he develops his story chronologically.
One-third of the book relates events prior to the War of , and a final chapter follows the leading characters of the book after that war down to the Civil War. Langguth devotes considerable space to the war in the West in — Of course, he details the events around Washington and Baltimore at length, and stirringly describes the Battle of New Orleans.
The conflict along the St. Lawrence gets less attention. Conspicuously missing is any discussion of the important battles along the Niagara frontier in Accordingly, Langguth often passes lightly over important, but dull, aspects of the war. He concentrates on anecdotal information that is interesting, but he skims over the events of the war so lightly that it approaches textbook material.
The information presented is gleaned almost entirely from secondary sources. Although much of the new scholarship on the war has been consulted, the author has relied often on old, seriously outdated works. Unfortunately, perhaps because of his reliance upon these older studies, minor errors have crept into the book. For example, Jefferson and Burr received seventy-three electoral votes in , not seventy-five There are many similar little errors.
Myths of the War of .
New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Move- ment. Edited by Jama Lazerow and Yohuru Williams. Duke University Press, How was the Black Panther Party organized? What contributions did it make to radical politics? How was its end brought about? The editors have assembled a volume of essays that discuss these and other questions. The works are divided into five sections that focus on the cultural, political, legal, and historical signifi- cance of one of the most important radical organizations of the s and s.
As with all such collections, some essays are stronger and more interesting than others. Sections three and four are particularly valuable. All too often studies of the Panthers concentrate on the history of the Oakland headquarters. Although understand- able, this is an extremely narrow view of a national phenomenon. Regional Panther chapters were extremely important.
They were the products of local conditions even though their membership pledged loyalty to an Oakland- based national leadership. In other words, local organizations deserve closer examination precisely because they reflected a unique set of circumstances not necessarily connected to the history of the Oakland office. In-depth studies of local offices will give a more balanced and accurate view of the Panther Party. The first essay in this section examines the history of a New Bedford, Massachusetts, Panther leader who was wrongly convicted of murder.
The next essay, however, plunges into an entirely unexpected area. The agent claims that he had a more benign view of the Panthers than Director J. The author, however, makes a valuable contribution by directing us to a new area of study. What differences, if any, existed between national headquarters and the field offices? What effect, if any, did these differences have on their policy? Section four discusses coalition politics and how the Panthers worked with groups as diverse as the Peace and Freedom Party, Young Lords, and the Brown Berets.
In his essay, David Barber argues that, contrary to this belief, all too often the white Left—particularly the Students for a Democratic Society SDS — refused to take direction from the Panthers. For this and other discussions, In Search of the Black Panther Party makes a valuable contribution to the field of Panther historiography. Syracuse University Press, Murder holds a fascination for popular writers and scholars. For readers inter- ested in what crime can tell us about the past, popular works usually come up short. The true crime sections of bookstores hold works that mostly cover recent crimes.
Beyond their red titles on black backgrounds, these works usually share superficial treatment and sensational style. Old murders are left to the scholars. Scholarly books about crime vary far more in approach and subject than their popular counterparts. Some books on historic murders focus on the deep back- ground and meaning of the crime in their society.
Others use murder as a way to examine how certain institutions, for example the press, have functioned in past societies. And others are aimed at capturing a slice of historic life by telling the story of a particular murder. The brutal killing Albert Snyder was chloroformed, garroted, and blud- geoned with a window sash weight was long planned and discussed between Snyder and Gray. There may have been previous attempts.
Moreover, the fact that Snyder took out and paid for a life insurance policy on her husband without his knowledge underscored the calculating nature of the crime. They both were soon arrested and put on trial together.
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The trial offered a classic example of the cutthroat defense, as each blamed the other. The jury found both guilty, and both were sentenced to death. New York City tabloids and regular press examined, reexamined, and amplified every aspect of the case. Within a year a play version of the case, written by a reporter, appeared on Broadway.
The author has produced a compelling narrative of the case from diverse sources. His use of the press accounts is particularly deft. He marshals this evidence to give readers a good feel and understanding for the people, the crime, the trial, and the steps leading to the executions. Yet, he fails to explain why Americans found this case so compelling, and the absence of footnotes reduces its scholarly value.
Even so, the book will long stand as the standard treatment of a notorious murder. The Penguin Press, This accomplished historian and biographer has produced yet another fine piece of history and biography with this very scholarly and eminently readable and absorbing biography of Andrew Carnegie. The reviewer could hardly put it down, which is testimony to how fascinating and enjoyable a read this marvelous book is.
Next come chapters explaining how Carn- egie worked with his partners in business and how businessmen in the post-Civil War years in the same industries pooled their resources and plans for production so as to stabilize prices at the highest possible level. Yet Carnegie was always an exception to the rule of squeezing customers for every penny. Rather he found it more economical to keep his mills going full tilt, regardless of the prices for his iron, and later steel, rails, so that he could flood the market and thus dominate it in time.
Nasaw argues that Carnegie was a highly intelligent and shrewd busi- nessman and also a superlative diplomat among businessmen. The book is too long and detailed for this reviewer to provide an adequate discussion of its many complexities and delights. University of North Carolina Press, In this brief work, the author reinvigorates the debate over the pervasiveness and character of politics in the lives of mid-nineteenth-century Americans. Originally presented as a series of lectures, Mark E. Altschuler and Stuart M. Blumin in Rude Republic and suggests that, rather than ignoring the burgeoning political circus found in the nineteenth century, Americans actively consumed campaign promotion, as is evinced by political artifacts within the home.
Chapter two questions Joel H. Neely closes with an analysis of minstrel songbooks. He questions Jean H. Neely offers a device to reinvigorate the historical debate on nineteenth-century American politics, and his conclusions will undoubtedly serve as companions to the works he challenges, rather than as the final word on the matter. He readily admits in his introduction the value of keeping a historical argument alive, and his defiance of political history as a waning element of the academic historical discourse.
The breadth of evidence—rare political posters, lithographs, and private albums to his open embrace of politically slanted newspapers—is exemplary of the well of information hidden in manufactured items. The brevity and structure of the book are somewhat of a detriment. The format of the lecture series does not lend itself well to the book, and the chapters often seem disjointed and incongruent. Nonetheless, Neely succeeds in revitalizing the discussion on American politics in the Civil War era, and demonstrates the malleability of the border between mid-nineteenth-century politics and the public and private domain.
This is an important read for political, social, and public historians alike. Earl Warren and the Nation He Made. His abuses, the group argued, included decisions to overturn racial segre- gation and to protect political dissent. The campaign proved to be more shrill than effective, yet it revealed the impact and significance of the Warren Court on American life.
From until , the tenor of the Supreme Court became less restrained, and, guided by a new spirit, it produced rulings that encouraged and responded to an egalitarianism taking hold in the country. Board of Education of Topeka; in Griswold v. Connecticut , the Court asserted its support for birth control and privacy rights; and Warren delivered the opinion in Miranda v. Arizona  insuring protections for people accused of crimes. Eisenhower fulfill a promise to give him the first vacancy on the Supreme Court, even if it meant becoming chief justice.
Growing up in a working-class household in Bakersfield, Warren then moved north to the University of Califor- nia, Berkeley, where he found his future as a lawyer and politician. Throughout his life Warren remained careful, restrained, and instinctively moderate—a far cry from the man imagined by detractors. His narrative flows smoothly and is based on sound and thorough research. In fact, the book is much like Warren: It fails, however, to consider any serious historical debate about Warren or the workings of his brethren and is best suited for undergra- duates or general readers.
Bemidji State University J. Thomas Murphy Danger on the Doorstep: University of Notre Dame Press, Progressive Era anti-Catholicism, the author tells us, was not a marginal move- ment. In , the largest anti-Catholic newspaper—The Menace—had a read- ership of 1. Newspapers such as this were instrumental, the author contends, in shaping the contours of anti- Catholicism between and Instead of an anti-Catholicism deeply steeped in ethnic stereotypes, the author found that Progressive-era anti- Catholicism was rooted in civic-national concerns over a Catholic conspiracy to undermine American institutions.
What did Nordstrom find? As the case of Populist-turned-anti-Catholic crusader Tom Watson suggests, these editors linked anti-Catholicism to larger progressive reform efforts although in a way that reflected the not-so-progressive aspects of progressivism. They cast themselves as the defenders of truth.
The author not only reconstructs the contours of anti-Catholicism, but also the print culture that Catholics and their allies created to discredit anti-Catholic claims. Beyond that, Nordstrom shows how Catholics and their allies used more than words to curb anti-Catholicism; from pressuring the Postmaster General to bar anti-Catholic newspapers from the mails, to insuring fairness in reporting on Catholic issues in the mainstream press, to legal action. It is here that the author is at his best, dramatically capturing the major battles between antinativists and anti-Catholics as the former vigorously fought for the inclusiveness of American citizenship.
Nevertheless, Danger on the Doorstep is a valuable addition to scholar- ship about the relationship between print and social movements. Its emphasis on anti-Catholicism makes it especially valuable, given how big the movement was and how little scholarship there is on the subject.
Readers will especially appre- ciate the appendix of anti-Catholic cartoons, which powerfully underscores what was at stake in this struggle over citizenship in Progressive Era America. Carnegie Mellon University Jason D. Martinek Slaves, Sailors, Citizens: African Americans in the Union Navy. Northern Illinois University Press, Much scholarship has been directed at the experience of African Americans serving in the Union and Confederate armies of the American Civil War.
Unfor- tunately historians and experts of things African American alike have neglected, been unaware of, or uninterested in the experience of Civil War African American sailors in the Union navy. Ramold has not overlooked this subject, and his book is an excellent record of their experiences. Extensively using archival records of the U. Thus, this book is as much about the legal status of African Americans as it is about African American sailors.
The author utilizes personal accounts and biographical sketches of individuals and institutions to place human faces on the various players of this history. In the Union army, African American integration was resisted and their partici- pation was marginalized. African American soldiers consistently faced discrimina- tion, abuse, and neglect. However, African American Union sailors had a vastly different experience. Life for them was comparable to that of whites. Many African American sailors reached the senior enlisted leadership rank of Petty Officer and served with distinction and valor.
Further, African American Union sailors experi- enced equal justice under the military judicial system, which was a vastly different reality than in the civilian world. The rise and institutionalization of African American enlistment in the Union armed forces, including the navy, correlated with the realization that the Civil War would be a protracted quarrel, and that many whites were sacrificing their lives for African American emancipation. As a result, venerable cultural, legal, and social obstructions to African American military service began to collapse, despite white reluctance.
In light of the fact that prior to African American participation the Union navy was heavily undermanned, over- worked, and faced with the daunting task of blockading the entire southern coastline, their participation was vital.
In Search of the Black Panther Party - Jama Lazerow, Yohuru Williams - Google Книги
Although African American sailors used their military experience as a way to prove their worth through their sacrifices and bravery, the literature reveals that it might be a bit off-center to assert that their contributions helped to transform African Americans into citizens in the eyes of the American body politic. However, as Ramold demonstrates, African American military contributions led to trends that enabled African Americans to assert their humanity, intelligence, skill, and value.
This text greatly contributes to American, African American, and American military historiographies. Ramold supports well his thesis that the Union navy accepted African American sailors with relatively little discord and that those sailors excelled in their duty. Eastern Michigan University David M. Walton In the Wake of Slavery: Jama Lazerow , Yohuru Williams.
Controversy swirled around the Black Panthers from the moment the revolutionary black nationalist Party was founded in Oakland, California, in Rarely, though, has it received the sort of nuanced analysis offered in this rich interdisciplinary collection. Historians, along with scholars in the fields of political science, English, sociology, and criminal justice, examine the Panthers and their present-day legacy with regard to revolutionary violence, radical ideology, urban politics, popular culture, and the media. The essays consider the Panthers as distinctly American revolutionaries, as the products of specific local conditions, and as parts of other movements of the late s and early s.